Union decline is one of the common characteristics of the world economies in the recent decades. This causes dramatic changes in the global working-class associational power. In this article, by using a documentary method, Iranian post-revolutionary working-class associational power has been studied in three spheres (production, exchange and politics). The results show that in the sphere of production, Iranian contemporary working-class is organized into three depended and limited works council forms including Islamic Works Council, Syndicates (Anjoman Senfi) and workers representatives. In the sphere of exchange they have been organized in the same trade unions (in regional and national levels) as those that have originated from the works council in the sphere of production. Furthermore, the results show that in the sphere of politics there was only one ideological and undemocratic labor party (Khaneh Karegar) which has permission to work after the revolution (1979). On the other hand, after Islamic revolution trade union density (membership) rate has been dramatically low. Finally, we can argue that the constant weakness of the working-class associational power has compatibility with the global union decline in neoliberal order.

Background: After the Islamic revolution, the government's view of the working class and their effective role in the victory of the revolution changed. Analyzing and submerging the labor class discourse in the discourse of the Islamic Republic and the ways out, articulation and reconstruction of the labor discourse is one of the main goals of this research. The issue here is how the Islamic Republic, by articulating various discursive elements, has used "language", "slogans", "speeches", "intimidation", "repression" in order to form its hegemonic formation. Research question: "Has the discourse of the Islamic Republic caused the collapse of the labor discourse?" Conclusion: In this research, relying on the discourse theory of Laclau and Mouffe, "opposition" is used as an analytical tool to examine how the discourse of the Islamic Republic tries to alienate the labor discourse. Based on the results of the study, it was found that the discourse of the Islamic Republic after the revolution tried to destroy the unity of the labor discourse and it succeeded to some extent in doing so, but the increase in moral awareness, the search for justice, the change of class thinking and the recognition of the needs of the classes, the possibility of coalition It has made a discourse possible. The achievement of the research is to confirm the concept of alienating the discourse of the Islamic Republic from the labor discourse and its collapse

Background: Sedentary lifestyle represents a growing health problem and considering that there is already a range of unhealthy habits that are marked as health risk factors and the increasing prevalence of sedentary lifestyle worldwide, we aimed to investigate association of sedentary way of living in suburb, working class local community with socioeconomic determinants such as educational level, occupation and income status.Methods: In this community-based cross-sectional study, 1126 independently functioning adults were enrolled into the study. The study protocol included a complete clinical and biochemical investigation revealing age, gender, lipid status, height, weight and blood pressure. Trained interviewers (nurses) collected information from patients about cur-rent state of chronic diseases (diabetes mellitus, arterial hypertension) smoking, medication and other socioeconomic data. Descriptive analysis, Chi-square and logistic regression were performed as statistical calculations.Results: Patients with elementary school were seven times more likely to be classified in category with sedentary life-style compared to patients with college or faculty degree. Being retired and reporting low income were significantly associated with higher odds of sedentary behavior when compared with students and patients with high-income status, respectively.Conclusions: The significance of this study lies in the fact that our results may help to easier identification of patients who may have a tendency towards a sedentary lifestyle.

Social class structure as the most impressive social group has wide ranging effects on social relationships and the development of social trends. It is too difficult to clarify different aspects of sociological issues of a society without considering the interferences of this variable. Iran’s social class had witnessed considerable changes during the course the years and that is what this research takes into consideration; Oil and its revenues have contributed significantly to it. This paper aims to study social class transformations during the period of (1961 – 1913) in Iran and also to explore its diverse aspects. Many studies have examined class structure in Iran; yet, there have been few quantitative investigations about it. In order to provide a realistic quantitatively-oriented overview of the class structure and to show the social class chanes during the period, all census data of Statistical Center of Iran have been used. Theoretically, this study relies on Thompson, Wright, and Giddens viewpoints; and Nomani and Behdad’s method in their worthwhile study over the class structure in Iran was also utilized. In this study workforce has been divided into four classes; bourgeois class – petty bourgeois class - working class - middle class. Findings show that numerically petty bourgeois class continuously was above all other classes; and middle class had the most improvement during the time; these signs aren’t fair for the forces of production and its progress.

In response to the imposed war, various segments of Iranian society, unified by a shared Islamic identity, were mobilized. This article explores the narratives of informants regarding the working class's role during the historical period from 1359 AH to 1367 AH. Employing a qualitative research approach and narrative analysis strategy, data were collected through open interviews based on theoretical saturation principles. The sample comprised 8 labor managers and activists from Islamic labor councils and workers' houses active during the war, supplemented by mediated interviews with 10 contemporary labor activists. Participants were chosen through purposive sampling, and thematic analysis was applied for data interpretation. The research's validity and accuracy were enhanced by interviewee verification of the interview texts and the exploration of negative cases or alternative explanations among other actors. Narratives revealed two central themes: "supporting the war" and "participating in the war." Additionally, seven fundamental themes were identified: workers' deployment to battlefields, dispatch of skilled workers to the frontlines, workers' role in stabilizing the revolution by managing security crises behind the front, involvement in military training, provision of technical support services to the front, financial and material contributions to the war effort, and logistical support from the workers. The revolution's intellectual orientation and leadership's focus on the oppressed and lower social strata were primary motivators for workers' support of the war during the first decade post-Islamic revolution.

Introduction: The Malocclusion or misalignment of teeth affects not only oral function but also facial esthetics and the psychological well-being of patients. In addition, obsessivecompulsive disorder is a psychological disorder associated with anxiety involving 22. 5% of the population during their life. This study aimed to assess the severity of obsessive-compulsive disorder in patients having class I malocclusion with crowding. Materials & Methods: In this case-control trial, Using the Yale-Brown questionnaire, female patients with 18-22 years old of ages having class I crowding malocclusion and referring to orthodontic department of Azad Dental school enrolled in the trial as the case group (n = 60). The participants with similar malocclusion without reference for orthodontic treatments followed up as the control group (n = 60). The obtained data by Yale-Brown questionnaire classified the obsessive-compulsive disorder in the participants into four groups of mild, fairly mild, moderate and severe levels. The results of the two groups were analyzed using the Chi-square test (p value < 0. 05). Results: In malocclusion patients referring for orthodontic treatments, 19 (31. 7%) had mild OCD; 7 (11. 7%) had fairly mild OCD; 23 (38. 3%) had moderate OCD and 11 (18. 3%) showed severe OCD. These values were 28 (46. 7%); 12 (20. 0%); 15 (25. 0%) and 5 (8. 3%) for malocclusion patients not referring for orthodontic patients respectively. No significant differences were found among 2 groups regarding severity of OCD (p value = 0. 07). Conclusion: In terms of the severity of OCD, there were no significant variations between malocclusion patients with and without referring for orthodontic treatments.